Note: One of you asked me a good question the other day after class--how does the 11th Amendment state sovereign immunity fit in to Takings litigation.[It's been a few years since I taught--or thought about--the 11th Amendment, so it took me a second to clear my mind and focus on that excellent question] The answer is the Ex parte Young exception, which holds a suit against a state official seeking to force the official to comply with federal law is not barred by the Eleventh Amendment as a suit against the State. Haddid in this case is Victoria Haddid who was the Chair of the California Labor Relations Board. She was sued in her capacity as a state official, and thus this is not a suit commenced the State of California as a sovereign state. It's a legal fiction, but it is the law of the land. Also, a school board or city or county government is not "one of the United States" under the 11th Amendment. So, Duncan v. City of Lincoln is no problem.
I don't want to spend too much time discussing Cedar Point, but I do want to focus on the facts and ask whether the facts amount to a taking of private property for a public use. If you go back to the text of the incorporated 5th Amendment, it declares that private property may only be taken by government if the taking is for a public use.
Here is how the majority explains the question presented in the case:
A California regulation grants labor organizations a“right to take access” to an agricultural employer’s property in order to solicit support for unionization. Cal. Code Regs.,tit. 8, §20900(e)(1)(C) (2020). Agricultural employers must allow union organizers onto their property for up to three hours per day, 120 days per year. The question presented is whether the access regulation constitutes a per se physical taking under the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments.
Notice that the Court does not focus on the public use requirement, even though the law requires the employer to permit third persons (union organizers) to "take access" of private property for up to three hours per day and 120 days per year. Is this a public use taking of private property? Or merely a "public purpose" taking of private property? Or is it a private use and private purpose taking, because it singles out a subgroup of the public for access?
Notice that the Court's precedents distinguish between physical takings of private property (such as in Causby and Loretto) and "regulatory takings" of private property (such as when government "instead imposes regulations that restrict an owner's ability to use his own property").
As the Court puts it, physical takings (no matter how small and partial) are assessed under "a simple per se rule: The government must pay for what it takes." (p. 5) All physical takings must be compensated!
However, regulatory takings are assessed under an ad hoc subjective standard: regulatory takings require compensation only if the degree of the regulatory taking "goes too far." (p. 6)
So, if the union access rule is evaluated as an uncompensated physical taking, it is unconstitutional. But if it is evaluated as a non-physical regulation, then it will be protected by the Takings Clause only if it goes "too far."
The 6 to 3 majority in Cedar Point, concludes that the "take access" law constitutes an unconstitutional physical taking because it "appropriates a right to invade the growers' property and therefore constitutes a per se physical taking." (p. 7).
And here is a longer explanation of the Court's holding (p. 10):
"The upshot of this line of precedent is that government-authorized invasions of property—whether
by plane, boat, cable, or beachcomber—are physical takings requiring just compensation. As in
those cases, the government here has appropriated a right of access to the growers’ property, al-
lowing union organizers to traverse it at will for three hours a day, 120 days a year. The
regulation appropriates a right to physically invade the growers’ property—to literally “take
access,” as the regulation provides. Cal. Code Regs., tit. 8, §20900(e)(1)(C). It is therefore a
per se physical taking under our precedents. Accordingly, the growers’ complaint states a
claim for an uncompensated taking in violation of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments."
Here are some questions:
1. To go back to Kelo and the public use requirement, do you agree that the taking in this case was for a public use? Or is it a taking from A (landowner) and a transfer to B (the union)?
2. Do you agree with the Court that the taking in this case was a physical taking, a physical appropriation of private property? Why or why not?
3. Should the Court recognize a "labor union" exception to the Takings Clause? Is social justice on one side of this case? Which side? Or is this a case involving competing visions of social justice? The right to join a union versus, in the words of John Adams: "Property must be secured, or liberty cannot exist."
4. The Court holds that the take access rule "constitutes a per se physical taking" and remands the case "for further proceedings consistent with this opinion." What does that mean? If California is willing to pay just compensation, will the take access rule be enforceable? What is the fair market value of the take access rule? How much compensation is Cedar Point entitled to? This is difficult to value. The closest analogy is a taking of a season ticket to all the New York Yankees' home games every year (a license to take access to a seat in Yankee Stadium 81 times per year for 3 to 4 hours per game). How much would that cost? How about the value of a season ticket to the Omaha Storm Chasers? Does the administrative agency even have the power to appropriate funds from the California public treasury? In this case, the remedy sought was injunctive relief--a permanent injunction against the access rule's enforcement.
5. Justices who wish to ignore constitutional protection of property rights often argue that the complexities of modern times require property rights to be set aside. Notice on page 16 how Justice Roberts responds to this type of argument: "With regard to the complexities of modern society, we think they only reinforce the importance of safeguarding the basic property rights that help preserve individual liberty, as the Founders explained." See also p. 5: "The Founders recognized that the protection of private property is indispensable to the promotion of individual freedom. As John Adams tersely put it, '[p]roperty must be secured, or liberty cannot exist.'”